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No district in India listed as Left-wing extremism affected after April 2026, says Home Ministry

A bus travels through a forest road as people wait beside a shaded roadside shelter Images are not validated/verified
Education PT24 team

Affected districts fell from 126 in 2014 to 38 in April 2024 and none after April 2026, with Gadchiroli and Gondia of Maharashtra among those once listed.

The Union Home Ministry's April 2024 list had 38 districts affected by Left-wing extremism. Two of them, Gadchiroli and Gondia, were in Maharashtra. Two years later, when districts were reclassified in March and April 2026, not a single district in the country remained in this category. Candidates from Vidarbha have watched the decline of the Naxal movement in their own neighbourhood. It is also one of the clearest topics in the internal security section of General Studies Paper 3.

The UPSC Mains 2025 asked what Left-wing extremism means, how it affects people and what the government has done to end it. A good answer needs knowledge of the movement's beginnings, the geography of Left-wing extremism and the Red Corridor, and the steps taken on security, development and rights.

The movement takes its name from Naxalbari in West Bengal's Darjeeling district, where an armed peasant uprising began in 1967. The first wave was crushed by 1972. The movement then returned in two streams: the People's War Group in the south and the Maoist Communist Centre in the east. On 21 September 2004 the two merged to form the Communist Party of India (Maoist). The Centre banned it on 22 June 2009 under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. Violence peaked in 2010, with 1,936 incidents and 1,005 deaths of civilians and security personnel.

Mao's theory of protracted people's war begins in remote hilly or forested areas where the state is weak. The movement's stronghold was Dandakaranya, the forested hill region of Chhattisgarh and Odisha that includes Bastar and Abujhmad. Gadchiroli, on Maharashtra's border and close to Chhattisgarh and Telangana, lies on the edge of this belt.

There are two views on the causes. The government told Parliament in March 2026 that the root was ideology, not poverty, and that the movement spread where the state's reach was weak. Scholars such as G. Haragopal link it to land, forests and the weak implementation of safeguards such as the Fifth Schedule and the Forest Rights Act.

Affected districts fell from 126 in 2014 to 38 in April 2024 and to zero after April 2026. According to the Home Ministry, three decisions lie behind this. The first was the 2015 National Policy and Action Plan, which covered security, development and protecting the rights of local people. The second was the SAMADHAN doctrine, announced on 8 May 2017, which sets the direction of security operations. The third was the state's presence on the ground: fortified police stations rose from 66 before 2014 to 663 by 2026. Under schemes for affected areas, 15,189 km of roads and 9,497 mobile towers were built. By July 2026, 21,26,268 forest rights titles had been distributed in the previously affected areas.

The campaign also had legal limits. On 5 July 2011 the Supreme Court declared state-backed armed groups such as Salwa Judum unlawful and ordered them disbanded. As of July 2026, 37 Legacy and Thrust districts and one District of Concern are being monitored so that the movement cannot return. Questioning of students and activists over alleged links to banned organisations has also raised concerns about civil liberties.

On 24 August 2024, a target was set to make the country free of Naxalism by 31 March 2026. According to the Home Ministry, the target has been met. For candidates, the lesson lies in the method: security opened the way, roads, towers and land titles kept the state present, and protection of rights is the test on which the examination expects both to be weighed.

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